A fine unfolded copy of one of the foundation maps of colonial America, and one of the landmarks of American engraving and printing. The very scarce first state of the original Philadelphia edition, probably printed before the publication of Evans’ own Analysis of a general Map of the Middle British Colonies…, which was printed by Benjamin Franklin & D. Hall in August of 1755. Dedicated to Governor Thomas Pownall, who was consulted during the early stages of publication, and who later published his own account of the middle colonies as A Topographical Description…, London: 1776, and his own version of the map.

Evans map was first published June 23, 1755, the very same year as Dr. John Mitchell published his famous map of North America … in London. Both maps intended to describe the opportunities for western expansion in the trans-Alleghany region, the Ohio Valley and beyond, and to draw attention to what the authors saw as the urgent concern of “French encroachments”. Aside from the political importance of these maps, each contributed enormously to the present state of cartographic knowledge of the middle colonies and the Ohio Valley. Few other maps improved on the Evans cartography until well after the Revolutionary War. The map was extremely influential, passing through many pirated editions in London, and providing the cartographic model for countless other publications.

Evans drew on both original source material and recently published surveys to compile his map (notably the Fry &’ Jefferson …VIRGINIA, 1753, which Evans acknowledges in an engraved note at the bottom of his map). From the Analysis we learn that the colonies of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, New York and Delaware are taken from his own map of 1749, improved. He further notes that the expansion of coverage to include the Ohio Valley, Lake Ontario, and part of New France was necessary for a better understanding of the region in order that the French be more easily dispossessed. Much of the Analysis is given to a detailed description of the countryside and its topography, the history of discovery and travel within the region, the nature of the Indian Confederacy, and a warning regarding Indian and French co-operation. Credit is consistently given to the various other travellers and map-makers who contributed to the production of this remarkable map.

Not everyone was delighted with Evans’ publication. And although Pownall states in his 1776 Description… that it was an accepted standard in the colonies for settling boundaries and land purchases (Evans and his map was also described as authoritative by Franklin in 1772, in regards to proposed Walpole Grants on the Ohio River), the New York faction, especially those loyal to General Shirley and Sir William Johnson had a different view. Evans, on his map, had acknowledged French claims to all land to the northwest of the St. Lawrence River, from Lake Ontario to Montreal, including Fort Frontenac. This drew the ire of many New Yorkers, and harsh criticism of Evan’s map in printed attacks. It is largely a reply to these attacks that makes up the 42 page pamphlet titled Geographical, Historical…Essays…Number II…, in which Evans defends his deference here to the French. It is remarkable that this exhaustive reply is dated only several days after the initial publication of the attacks in the New York Mercury. The controversy damaged Evans reputation, however, and it is possible that not many copies of Evans map were sold in New York.

The map is usually folded and placed at the end of the Analysis, however, as Henry Stevens noted in his monograph on the Evans maps in 1920, “…is sometimes, but rarely, found separately in unfolded state”. Taking the imprint date on the map of June 23, 1755, as correct (Evans in the second edition of the Analysis, 1756, states that the engraving of the map began in 1754 and was finished near the end of June, 1755), it does seem probable that a few early impressions were pulled before the August publication of the Analysis. The present copy is on slightly heavier paper than normal, is coloured more strongly than any other copy we have seen, and was never folded into a copy of the Analysis. Because early copies of the Analysis are known to contain a second state of the map, we conclude that this copy is of that very small number to which Stevens alludes -published separately, and before the Analysis.

The imprint is confusing. Stevens states wrongly that there are two early issues of both the map and the pamphlet. Only the pamphlet is known in both Philadelphia and Philadelphia/ London imprints. The map contains one imprint alone, that of London & Philadelphia. However, the engraver’s line on the map contains only the Philadelphia address, and it is certain that the map was printed only in America. Stevens suggests that it was probably Thomas Pownall who advised Evans to sell the map both in Philadelphia and London, and thus the addition of “Sold by R. Dodsley, in Pall Mall, LONDON” in the imprint lower right. The second state of the map contains an identical imprint, with only the addition of “The Lakes Cataraqui” above Lake Ontario to distinguish it from the original issue.

Evans was among the most active and competent of early American map-makers – an experienced surveyor who produced many important surveys in Pennsylvania. His first published works are found in A Bill in Chancery…, 1747, the record of an early New Jersey land dispute, and were also the earliest examples of his cooperation with James Turner. James Turner is one of America’s leading early engravers, being responsible for several large and elaborately engraved maps & charts, notably Nicolas Scull’s map of Pennsylvania, 1759, Joshua Fisher’s chart of Delaware Bay, 1756, and two large and important charts of maritime Canada. Stevens, Henry. ‘Lewis Evans, His Map…’, pp. 5-15. Wheat & Brun. Maps & Charts…America, no. 298.